Newspaper clippings before & after PRC's establishment

The British Office of the Chargé d’Affaires in Peking, summer of 1967, from Robert Bickers website

Associated Press, 30 November 1948

No Threat To Hong Kong

HONG KONG, Mon.

A communist victory in China would not present any immediate threat to Hong Kong, in the opinion of officials and independent observers in the Colony.

As long as conditions in China remain unsettled Hong Kong will be of greater value to the economy of Communist China if it remains under British control, most people here — including Communist sympathisers — agree.

“In the first place,” said a well-known British banker, “the Communists, unless they are willing to risk war with Britain — and I don’t think they are — would have to repay us for our investment here if they wanted the colony. That they couldn't afford. Our investment here runs into millions, perhaps billions, of dollars.

“It will be years before the Communists or anybody else in China can afford to buy Hong Kong,” he added.

“The Chinese Communists need one city in this area that has a stable government and a stable currency, from which they can export the goods that they would produce in South China.”—A.P.

***

THE FUTURE OF HONG KONG

The Straits Times, 2 June 1949

THE FUTURE OF HONG KONG
CHARLES WINTOUR Says It’s Up To The British Business Man

ON Christmas Day 1941, after 16 days of continuous fighting with no prospect of relief outside, the garrison of Hong Kong surrendered to the Japanese forces. 

Of the 11,000 Imperial troops who defended for the Colony, 1,000 had been killed or died of wounds, 1,000 were missing and 2,000 more were severely wounded. The island’s scanty supplies of water were almost exhausted: there was no effective defence against air attack: the Japanese deployed forces greatly superior in both numbers and equipment to the defence. For the resistance would only have resulted in useless slaughter.

Today Hong Kong is again threatened by the approach of hostile armies. And, again, the Colony is being reinforced. The Government is sending out 8,000 troops of all arms, which will bring the garrison up to a total of 12,000 men.

Will they be called upon to emulate the gallantry and heroism of their predecessors?

And, if so, would they prove any more successful in protecting this Gibraltar of the east from foreign invasion?

In Hong Kong, they do not expect that the Chinese communists will launch an open attack on the colony, whatever warlike threats may be made for propaganda purposes over the Communist radio. But the possibility cannot be excluded altogether.

The defence of the port clearly presents a number of well-nigh insuperable difficulties. The population is already more than double the prewar figure and is now estimated to exceed 2,000,000. The further influx of refugees is pouring into this British oasis of stability and prosperity from Canton now officially in a “state of war”.

Some hundreds of thousands of the population are suspected to cherish Communist sympathies. Well led, they could launch fifth column attacks on British troops and installation far more dangerous than anything even attempted by the French resistance forces during the war.

There is still no proper airfield. The 2 air strips at Kai Tak on the mainland near Kowloon have poor approaches; they have too few bombers; and in certain weather conditions, they have to shut down altogether.

The government are hastening forward plans for a new airport, but completion will take years.

Water supplies, as in 1941, may prove to be the most difficult problem of all. The reservoirs, built before the days of aerial bombardment, are mostly above ground and are extremely vulnerable to air attack. An army may be able to hold out days against overwhelming odds. It cannot hold out against a water famine.

The nearest friendly base is some 1,500 miles away. While the Royal Navy might keep the island supplied, such a task would place a fantastic strain on the resources.

Finally, the circumference of Hong Kong Island covers a distance of some 25 miles, while the coastline of the least territory amounts to four times as much or more. In fact, the length of the coastline to be defended is roughly equivalent to the distance between London and Nottingham.

Of course, it may be said that the Chinese Communist armies are a very different proposition from the highly trained, well equipped Japanese forces. Yet they have won control of immense tracts of China and are making rapid progress towards the South.

They have been well led; they have gained battle experience; they have either captured or bought most of the military supplies with which America attempted to bolster ‘the corrupt” regime of the Kuomintang; and they dispose unlimited manpower resources. The enemies of Mao-Tse-Tung would certainly prove a formidable enemy.

The conclusion must be that a far larger garrison than the 12,000 troops now gathering in Hong Kong would still experience the gravest difficulty in defending the territory successfully and even if they succeeded in holding out the economic life of the colony would be shattered.

Before the battle was over high explosives might blast the rocky island back to the bare and desolate state in which the British found it when the island was ceded to them 100 years ago.

Would the Chinese Communists welcome the destruction of the richest port in the East? Would they welcome war with the British Empire and perhaps other nations of the Western world?

Most of the evidence points the other way. The Old China Hands who have studied the policy of the Chinese communists believe that Mao-Tse-Tung and his far more able colleague Chou-en-Lai wish to make the fullest use of Western capital and know-how in developing China’s vast untapped resources.

The Communists was toward to the rapid industrialisation of China and they can only obtain the necessary finance and technical skill from the West. Russia has nothing to spare.

Here, then, lies the best defence of Hong Kong. It is not armed men in uniform who will save Hong Kong from attack, but the brains, experience and abilities of British and American businessmen in the East.

For this reason, the British business men who are now staying behind in Shanghai to guard and restore British trading interests there are probably doing more to defend Hong Kong than the Minister of Defence can hope to achieve.

But the British Government has the duty of finding a diplomatic path to an understanding with the Chinese Communists. A former high representative of the Government with the Nationalist Government told me the other day. We should recognise the Communist Government. If we sit staring at each other like two porcelain dogs docs on the mantelpiece, the Chinese Communists will only have the Russians to turn to. We still don't know whether the Chinese Communists will turn out to be more Chinese than communist. We should help them to make up their minds the right way. 

Yet even if we establish ordinary diplomatic relations with the Communists — and until the position of the Amethyst, still anchored among the mud-banks on the Yangtse, is cleared up, it is difficult to see how this country could grant full recognition – the British hold on Hong Kong will certainly be subject to a constant propaganda offensive.

The communists may seek to stir up labour trouble.

The internal security of the over-crowded island will need constant watchfulness.

In any case, the territories on the mainland, which were leased to Britain for 99 years are due to be returned before the turn of the century. So Hone Kong is wisely preparing for the worst, while hoping for the best. As the Governor, Sir Alexander Grantham, has said: “We hope Communist China is going to be friendly toward a foreign power and a foreign place like Hong Kong. But these are hopes, not certainties.”

***
'Taiwanese in HK will get full civil rights'

Reuters 23 April 1984
BEIJING, Monday


TAIWANESE officials and organisations based in Hong Kong will enjoy the same civil rights as other groups after Beijing takes beck the British colony, a senior Chinese official said yesterday.


The official Xinhua news also quoted Ji Pengfei, head of the Hong Kong Affairs Office in Beijing, as telling a group of Hong Kong community leaders the colony's relations with Taiwan will remain unchanged when Britain's 99-year lease on most of the territory expires in 1997.


“When the Chinese government resumes the exercise of China's sovereignty over Hong Kong in 1997, Kuomintang personnel and organisations from Taiwan stationed in Hong Kong enjoy the same rights as other residents organisations.

“Their legitimate rights and interests will be protected by law, provided they observe the local laws,” Mr Ji said.


“Relations between Hong Kong and Taiwan including sea and air transportation, economic and cultural ties and personnel exchanges will not be affected,” he added.


Mr Ji’s statement, the latest in a series of overtures to Taipeh, followed a visit to Beijing by British Foreign Secretary Sir Geoffrey Howe which focussed on the future of Hong Kong.


Sir Geoffrey said in Hong Kong that any Sino-British agreement on the territory would be enshrined within a “formally recorded international agreement.”

Chinese leaders have frequently stated that the territory will be ruled by Hong Kong people as a special administrative region after 1997, and that its aggressively capitalist way of life will remain unchanged for at least 50 years.

Diplomats here say a tolerant attitude to pro-Taiwanese nationalists in Hong Kong after Beijing regains sovereignty would be that the communists are sincere in planning to allow the territory to maintain its present socio-economic system. - Reuters

***

New Chinese party send team to get local support

The Straits Times, 8 April 1952

The Third Force, a new Chinese political group, anti-Kuomintang and anti-Mao Tse Tung, with headquarters in Hong Kong, is believed to have sent an underground team of former politicians and military leaders to Singapore to gain a foothold for the party.

Singapore Special Branch said yesterday that they had no evidence of the team's presence in the colony but knew that propaganda magazines of the party were circulating in Singapore.

A Special Branch officer to the Straits Times: “There are two Third Forces propaganda magazines, The China Voice and Freedom Front Weekly, in the Colony. Both are published in Hong Kong.”

“Various Chinese public bodies in Singapore and the Federation have received copies.”

A Kuomintang member in Singapore, claimed, however, that several Third Force men, among whom were a former general and a politician, are in the Colony working for the support of the Chinese community.

He further claimed that the team had large financial backing, and that one of their plans was to gain support from business interests to keep the party supplied with funds for his work in the Colony.

The aim of the Third Force is to set up a new government for the “salvation of China.”

Selena Liang/Tiffany Hui: On International Alliance: Filipino MDWs Living in the Gap

On International Alliance: Filipino MDWs Living in the Gap

Co-translated by Karen Leung and Tiffany Hui, edited by Chen-t'ang, written by Selena Liang and Tiffany Hui
Originally in March 2020 edition, CUHK SU Post
Original: http://cusp.hk/?p=8813 

Perhaps you all still remember when the anti-extradition protests were in full swing in October 2019, CY Leung offered “bounties” to migrant domestic workers (MDWs) in Hong Kong to snitch on their employers for possessing any “illegal items” related to the anti-government demonstrations, and called on them to help spread the word that cash rewards will be offered for anyone who does so. For that, the Hong Kong Employers of Domestic Helpers Association has its say: MDWs come to Hong Kong for work, but not participate in politics. They would not sacrifice their jobs for “the so-called justice”. While the matter concerns MDWs directly, none of their voices is heard due to the community’s overwhelming exploitation. Worse, what’s left of them is a dreadful image of money-driven ignorance that entirely precludes the values of justice. But that is far from the whole truth: MDWs in Hong Kong do take part in civic activities.

Shiela Tebia is one of the many MDWs in Hong Kong. As the chairperson of GABRIELA Hong Kong (The General Assembly Binding Women for Reforms, Integrity, Equality, Leadership, and Action), one of the overseas chapters of the Philippine-based alliance of women, Shiela has been serving its fellow workers on her days of statutory rest, Sundays, for 5 years. (For your information, this interview conducted during her break had to be cut short because of work.) The organisation has been taking active measures to raise MDWs’ awareness towards workers’ labour rights and the political situation in the Philippines, such as running workshops, holding forums, providing legal aids of the sort, organising rallies (i.e. Migrant Pride March), with the vision to unite the MDWs against capitalist exploitation, misogyny, homophobia, etc.

The misconception that MDWs would sell their souls for gain, in fact, reveals their economically underprivileged status and Hong Kong’s role as one of the predators. While We call for international support in our own movement, has it ever occurred to us that it’s equally important to fulfil our moral responsibility to the international community? Has it come to our attention that we should also keep an eye on the political situations of other countries? Sadly, most of us have no knowledge of the purposes of MDWs’ civic activities and are not aware of the suppression they have been suffering both in the Philippines and in Hong Kong.

Philippines’ Economic Issues

Amongst Southeast Asian nations, the Philippines has an extreme disparity of income and is reported to have the largest homeless population and the highest unemployment rate. In 2019, there are still 22 million people in the Philippines living below the poverty line. 10 years in with the neoliberalism policies, the government tirelessly narrows the range of public services. The supply of basic commodities is being dominated by the market, resulting in great expenditures on education, electricity and accommodation for individuals. Currently, there are 42.3% of urban populations living in slum areas. Regular folks cannot afford to buy or rent private properties, whereas thousands of empty public housing lie idle with the government’s laissez-faire approach.

In the interview, Shiela criticised the incumbent President of the Philippines, Rodrigo Duterte, for following the former president Benigno Aquino’s footsteps on the pro-consortia neoliberal policies which continues to advance the interests of domestic oligarchs and multinational corporations. Duterte’s 8-point economic agenda centred on injecting investment on infrastructure projects and spurring the GDP growth of the country, at the expense of opening up the whole of the Philippines to acute outsourcing of social services. The ongoing saga of the people’s torment -- structural unemployment, low-wage work and lack of labour protection -- has yet to be reversed. What is more, the trade unions and civic organizations are persecuted by the Duterte administration. In the name of his professed “war against drugs/terror”, the dissidents and the social workers (who advocate the protection of human rights on the indigenous tribes and the women’s rights) are tagged as terrorists in the government’s list. Such notorious malfeasance has also extended to launch litigation against the registration of Gabriela Women's Party, and to commit extrajudicial killings towards the poor and the activists.

The Blunt Nature of Fabricated Democratic System

In the Philippines, results of presidential elections under the “constitutional democracy” have been interfered by the long-standing profit-oriented collaboration between the local elites and the American capital. A study showed that in the 2016 general election 81% of the governors and the vice governors, added with 78% of the seats to the House of Representatives, went to the members from the political dynasties. These notable families have never been absent in elections, monopolising almost effortlessly by sheer transfer of benefits.

Duterte, whose father was Governor of the then-unified province of Davao, is from one of those political families rooted in the South. In the 2016 presidential election, with the big campaign promise of ending contractualisation, he succeeded in drumming up support from the poor. Underneath, support from certain factions of the bourgeoisie (Filipino-Chinese General Chamber of Commerce for instance) was granted, and his hypocritical stance has been validated by the series of pro-consortia business neoliberal policies since inauguration.

The state of the Philippines had been shaped through colonisations ever since the 16th century, during which the elites had clung on to the settlers for greater political and economic influence, and helped facilitate the rule.

In 1946, the United States (the US) gave the Philippines independence on the condition that the establishment of a free trade agreement and a fixed exchange rate (Philippine Peso/PHP to USD) were put in place, so that the interests of American companies could remain unaffected. Three years after, as the American investment reduced, the then Philippines government adopted drastic foreign exchange control measures to prevent unstable capital outflow. Unfortunately, such a decision was voided by the conservative party which won the plurality of the vote in 1959. The International Monetary Fund (IMF) and the American government welcomed the result, and together proposed to provide USD300-million loans to the Philippines instantaneously, which embodies the start of another wave of manipulation towards the Philippines’ economy. Between 1962 and 1969, the external debt of the Philippines had sharply increased 7 times to USD1.88-billion and the situation only got worse over time.

With the assistance of the US, the IMF and the conservative party, Ferdinand Marcos, the tenth President of the Philippines, established his dictatorship in 1972, and consolidated his neoliberal policies by violence and oppression. The World Bank and the IMF endorsed Marcos’ tyrannical rule publicly, and went to great lengths to exert considerable pressure on the succeeding presidents, which also explains the Philippines government’s lopsided approach on neoliberal policies even to this day.

From then on, the political sphere of the Philippines has been played right into the hands of the US government, the IMF and the local elites, and it consequently initiated the business model for the political dynasties’ – elections. Today, four privileged families, partnered with American countries, are at the helm of most power plants in the Philippines. Notwithstanding indigenous people’s objections, they took their land by bloodshed for agricultural development and mining.

“Filipinos have the right to vote for the president, but we don’t have a say. Reform relies on... if presidents do the public services they promised. It seems that they are supported by the people. In fact, they are supported by businessmen’s cash.” Shiela summed up the helplessness in Filipinos upon the democratic deficit and plutocracy in power. 

The Reason Behind MDWs' Influx

Though it may not seem so at first glance, the MDWs issue in Hong Kong is closely related to the Philippines' political landscape. For decades, the implementation of neoliberalism has cost the Philippines its sustainable development. Unemployment and underemployment have driven thousands of Filipinos to work abroad, including Hong Kong.

Despite the great amount of American investment and the agreement to increase local productivity, no real changes are made, as enterprises merely take advantage of the natural resources for their own development. Oftentimes, foreign companies gravitate to the tens of export processing zones in the Philippines, locate their factories there, and cooperate with multiple workforce agencies. By concluding 6-month short-term contracts with workers repeatedly, they are able to prevent any regular employee benefits that formal employees are entitled to. Because of it, nearly half of the workers there have to find a new job every 6 months.

Aggrievedly, Shiela explained, “Masses are asserting sovereignty against big countries investing into the Philippines. We believe that resources should be used by local people and locals should earn more than their business. The Philippines have rich natural resources. We don’t need the US and large countries to ‘so-called’ help us and really they just want to profit over people.”

Based on Shiela’s observation, the intra-country job opportunities are mostly delivered to men, but the fact that the economic backbones of the family can only work as contract workers makes it difficult to keep the family’s heads above water. Among the workforce with salary, over two-fifths (44%) belong to the sector of informal employment, and almost half of them are paid below the current minimum wage. The lamentable circumstance leaves women with no choice but to work out of the country and become MDWs.

Altogether, the amount of MDWs’ remittances reaches up to 30 million US dollars yearly, taking up 12% of the country’s GDP. As one of the main sources of foreign currency, they have been overlooked by the administration rather deliberately.

“The government has long neglected migrant workers. They don’t provide any plan of protection for MDWs. Even nowadays, there are many cases of sexual abuse in Middle East. If the government doesn’t give its promise to create local jobs for us, we cannot go home because our families need our support.” Shiela continued to unfold the gravity of the situation: Duterte first signed into law in 2017 and 2018 to launch the compulsory Social Security System, a state-run insurance program to workers in all sectors. In 2019, the contributions of the PhilHealth insurance are made mandatory, not excluding the MDWs, whereas Hong Kong is not within its coverage area. Given that it is their Hong Kong employers’ liability to provide them with free medical treatment throughout their employment contract, what the Philippines government imposed only ends up adding heavy financial burden on MDWs.

The Continuing Predicament of MDWs in Hong Kong

The high outflow of Filipino workers seeking employment in foreign labour markets meets the great demand for domestic workers in Hong Kong, which soon proceeds to fill up more than half of the jobs created. Instead of expanding its subsidised child care services to enable more full-time family carers to rejoin the labour market, the Hong Kong government, on the contrary, steps up its outsourcing efforts. Owing to the shortage of subsidy provided (1 out of 220 children on average), local families turn to the market to hire domestic workers as an alternative. Compared with local domestic workers (from HK$7,000 to more than HK$10,000 per month), MDWs (minimum allowable wage of HK$4,630 per month) are a more popular choice.

Securing a job in Hong Kong, however, does not always translate to fair and reasonable treatment. Hong Kong too pursues neoliberalism with the long-held fiscal policies of ‘big market, small government’ and ‘positive non-interventionism’. For decades, the city has maintained its low tax regime in favour of enterprises, while withholding the labour rights regulations, precisely the standard working hours, the collective agreement and the universal retirement protection scheme. For the MDWs’ part, a common occurrence is that the overcharging agency fees get them into debt, and their passports are confiscated illegally before it is fully paid off.

In addition to the reprehensible practice, the MDWs are obliged to live with their employers, meaning that there are no definite working hours, and in a worst-case scenario, the nature of work becomes a 24/7 one. This setting has put them in a vulnerable position in the event of exploitation and abuse. Knowing that they can either find a new job, plus apply for a renewed work visa, within only 2 weeks after the termination of contract, or be sent back to their home country, most of the MDWs hesitate and dare not stand up for themselves. Not only do they suffer from the lack of labour protection but also the oppression when fighting for their rights. In 2018, during Duterte’s three-day visit to Hong Kong, disproportionate security measures were arranged by the police and the Philippine Consulate General in Hong Kong, hindering the peaceful protests of 50 or so MDWs. Under double oppression at home and at work – being treated unfairly in Hong Kong and suffering the appalling poverty in the Philippines -- MDWs do not have a way-out. 

Hong Kong’s Global Responsibility and Connection

Being responsible for high value-added industries in the production chain (financial industry for instance), Hong Kong is in the upstream position of neoliberalism and has an advantage in the operation of the global market, while the Philippines does not share Hong Kong’s status. With more than half of the foreign investment poured into the manufacturing sector in the Philippines, the United States and other major countries (Hong Kong included) exploit its manpower and resources, regarding MDWs as a faceless whole of imported labour. Whether from the perspective of Hong Kong's privileged position or that of the underprivileged migrant workers, Hongkongers are duty-bound to fight for the rights of Filipino MDWs. We Hongkongers seek international assistance and speak over and over about international responsibilities in the anti-extradition movement, but have we reflected on how to make good use of our own international position to fight for the rights and interests of MDWs?

During Hong Kong’s movement, protesters actively connected with the globe. From time to time, American and British flags are seen in parades and rallies, and the Hong Kong Higher Institutions International Affairs Delegation formed by 12 students’ unions of higher institutions has lobbied hard in different countries for international support. The high-profile US legislation of the Hong Kong Human Rights and Democracy Act shows the extraordinary power of Hong Kong demonstrators after connecting with the "foreign forces". International ties are undoubtedly important, and our instant move was to link to the governments of major European countries and the US. It is generally accepted that as the world's largest economy, the US, with its irreplaceable influence, can take the hot-button issues in Hong Kong to the world stage. Ideally, by joining forces with the US, Hong Kong can stand a chance against China.

However, the US support can hardly lead to substantial outcomes in Hong Kong. What the Hong Kong Human Rights and Democracy Act does is to impose property and visa-blocking sanctions to those on-the-list individuals. Strictly speaking, it is far from practical in terms of facilitating the progress of the democratic movement on the territories of Hong Kong. Now look at the facts: China and the US rely on each other economically. The US would not break off the diplomatic relations and trades with China, and that with Hong Kong. But still, it will ultimately choose to stand on the most economically beneficial side when the time comes.

It is worth noting that the enemy of our enemy is not necessarily a friend. Hong Kong’s connection with the US is purely a strategic consideration, and it does not mean for Hong Kong to be in sync with the US ideology. The US has long established itself as the country that upholds sacred democracy and freedom, and yet by both economic and military means, it crushes countries in Latin America, the Middle East, and Asia. Its capitalism expansion invades — exploiting the locals and plundering natural resources — so as its armed forces. What was mentioned here about its all-pervasive control and exploitation towards the Philippines is only a tip of the iceberg; the US has gone so far as to quell the protests on ‘the land of the free’ and suppress the indigenous people from the Philippines. It should be self-explanatory that the pattern of the US government’s actions is diametrically opposed to its motto that sings the praises of ‘respect for democracy and individual freedom’. Before holding up the Stars and Stripes, Hongkongers should understand the long history of the US’ imperialist oppression and the far-reaching implication of us agreeing to those egregious values beneath.

All of these make us rethink: What exact groups should we freedom fighters be connecting? It is understandable that we, with resignation, had to garner support for the influence of certain countries for the time being, but considering the future for this long-term mass movement, shouldn’t we build linkage with the oppressed mass who genuinely share the same value to resist all erosion of human rights and freedom?

Shiela: We Must Mobilise Mass Forces

"Although Filipino workers are suppressed in every aspect of their lives, many local groups and trade unions stand up and resist the companies’ unreasonable policies by holding large-scale actions outside the companies. Once, the capital was forced to have conversations and compromised on salary conflicts. This was crucial to employees who have been exploited for a long time.” Shiela, who understands the power of the mass, shared with us her firsthand experience of a successful campaign at home, “In the Philippines, local officials are given public funds for community improvement programs but they put it in their pockets. This proves that the system is problematic. People protested and demanded abolishment of the policy and direct investment of public funds into the public system. They spent one year protesting on the street and in front of government officials every week, and were even supported by members of Congress. Eventually, it was abolished. Once the people are united, change will happen."

Although there is merely one victory for now, Shiela believes that the people are able to improve their tactics to duplicate the success. Transformation never comes at once; as long as we endeavour, little by little, we shall win.

It is in Shiela’s firm belief that people can support each other and unite the masses regardless of nationality or ethnicity. GABRIELA Hong Kong, as well, had connected with several local human rights organisations (i.e. Autonomous 8A and the League of Social Democrats), and co-organised the Women’s Day with the Hong Kong Federation of Women’s Centres. Through these actions, they call for an end to discrimination against LGBTQ migrant workers and they hope to raise public awareness of the issue. By joining hands with Filipinos to support their rights, and protesting  side by side with them, we can actively participate in this dialogue initiative, and set out to create a greater impact on the world.

On a final note, as Shiela pointed out time and time again during the interview: “We must mobilise mass forces. This is our only hope.”

Lunar New Year Message from Chris Patten, HK Governor in 1994

1994年香港總督彭定康農曆新年賀辭

The new year holiday is an important time for all of us. It is a time to pause and to catch a breath before we plunge into another year.

The new year is one of those all too rare opportunities to stand back from our careers, from school, college or university work or from the demands, and they are substantial, of running a home. A time to put every day concerns in perspective. A time to think about the things that matter most in life – the health, the welfare and the happiness of our family and of our friends.

The start of a new year is above all a time for families. From the many friends Lavender, Alice and I have made since coming to live in this community, I know that the family spirit is nowhere stronger than in Hong Kong. People come together to renew ties and to draw strength from each other and from the traditions and values which are the bedrock of Hong Kong's economic and social success.

The past year has been a year of steady, solid achievement for Hong Kong. The economy has expanded by about 5.5%, the 19th successive year of economic growth. And behind the dry statistics of economic success of the realities of rising living standards and greater opportunities for the whole community. Family incomes have risen. And our services to the community have also been improved as economic progress has made additional resources available to the government.

Let me give you a few examples of what this means in practice. During the past year we have been able to:

• Build an additional 66,000 new homes for families on the housing waiting list;
• We’ve been able to commission an additional 3,350 beds in our hospitals and infirmaries; and
• We have recruited an additional 4,000 teachers to work in our primary and secondary schools.

These are just a few of the ways in which we are improving our services to the public. These are real achievements. They contribute directly to the quality of life of Hong Kong's families. No wonder one of the world's most important business magazines recently voted Hong Kong one of the best places in the world, not just to do business but to live and bring up a family.

In Hong Kong, we believe very firmly that the quality of life can and should go on getting better for everyone. The community insists that problems should be faced squarely and overcome through enterprise and hard work. Hong Kong has a faith in progress and an optimism about the future which many other communities have quite simply lost.

This optimism, this confidence go beyond economic well-being. They have an impact on every aspect of our way of life. I think the best example in the past year of this determination to bring about improvements has been in the field of law and order, an issue which I know is high on everyone's list of priorities.

I know of no other major cities in the world in which the crime figures are falling in the law and order situation improving. I think the explanation for this remarkable achievement, because this is what is happening in Hong Kong, life in the community's respect for traditional values, its emphasis on the family and the proper education of its children. We rightly attach a high value to making our city safe in our society law-abiding. We rely heavily on our excellent police force to do so. But we all of us have a personal contribution to make to ensure that Hong Kong will remain one of the world's safest and most law-abiding cities.

Hong Kong is a very special place. Those of you who have lived here all your lives know this better than I do. It is a good place to work and a good place to raise a family. We are working hard to ensure that Hong Kong's special qualities are preserved. That our way of life is secured for the future.

As parents we spend a good deal of our time thinking about how to secure the best possible future for our children. We worry about the education and their prospects for finding worthwhile and rewarding careers. We can be proud of the way in which Hong Kong is able to offer its young rewarding careers, in fact a wider choice of career is the most cities in the world's advanced economies can offer.

Hong Kong office is young people a bright future because we are at the centre of the astonishing economic transformation of Asia. I am confident Hong Kong will remain one of the world's great trading and service centres not only in the year of the Dog but well into the next century.

Many of you will be listening to me from the warmth of family gatherings. Lavender, Kate, Laura, Alice and I wish all of you a successful, a prosperous and above all a very happy new year.

Kung Hei Fat Choy.

春節假期對我們每個人來說，都是重要的日子。我們正好藉此佳節稍事休息，舒展一下，然後才全心全意投入新一年的工作。

農曆年假給予在職人士、莘莘學子和家庭主婦一個難能可貴的機會，讓他們把一切工作、學習和必須打理的家務暫時拋諸腦後，讓他們回顧過去，展望將來，以及想一想我們生命中至為重要的事情，包括家人和朋友的健康、幸福和快樂。

新年伊始，是家家戶戶共敘天倫的美好時刻。我和內子以及小女雅思自來港至今，結識了不少朋友。我從他們那裏知道，香港人濃厚的家庭觀念，是沒有其他地方的人可以比擬的。藉此佳節，大家聚首一堂，互相問好，加深聯繫，彼此勉勵，發揮傳統和價值觀的力量。這些傳統和價值觀，正是本港的經濟和社會難以取得驕人成績的基石。

香港在過去一年裏取得穩定和實質的成就。年內，本港的經濟增長了大約百分之五點五，是達致經濟增長的連續第十九個年頭。在各項顯示本港經濟成就的枯燥乏味統計數字背後，本港市民的生活水平實際上是不斷提高，整個社會則獲得更多的機會，家庭入息亦有所增加。另外，隨着經濟進步，政府可以動用額外的資源，去改善為市民提供的服務。讓我舉出數個例子，說明實際的情況。去年，我們已經： 

• 為輪候公共房屋的家庭增建六萬六千個住宅單位；
• 我們已經在醫院和療養院增至三千三百五十張病床；
• 我們已增聘四千名小學和中學教師。

這些只是我們改善公共服務的數項工作。這些實際成果，直接提高了本港家庭的生活質素，難怪一份國際上相當權威的商業雜誌，最近把香港選為世界上最好的地方之一，不僅是做生意的好地方，也是安居立戶的好地方。

在香港，我們堅信每個人的生活質素，是可以為應該不斷改善的。香港人處事，一向堅持要正視問題，主張以積極進取和勤奮努力的精神來排除萬難。香港人抱着力求上進的信念和對未來樂觀的態度，而這些特質，使很多其他地區的人都已經失去的。

這種樂觀的態度和信念，不只令我們在經濟上不斷進步，而且還影響着我們的生活方式的每方面。過去一年，顯示本港堅決改善生活質素的最佳例子，就是在治安方面。而我知道，治安是每位香港市民都極為關注的問題。

據我所知，全球再沒有其他大城市可以像香港一樣，罪案數字下降，治安有所改善。事實已經證明，香港取得這樣驕人的成就，是因為市民重視傳統價值觀，注重家庭觀念，以及悉心教導子女。我們致力令到香港成為太平的城市，市民奉公守法，是十分正確的。我們有賴優秀的警隊，為本港維護法紀，但我們每個人也有本身的責任，確保香港繼續是世界上最太平而市民又最奉公守法的城市之一。

香港是個非常特別的地方。土生土長的香港市民，必定比我更體會這點。香港是個安居立戶的好地方。所以，我們正致力確保香港的特質得以保存，市民的生活方式可以延續下去。

身為父母，我們花很多時間為子女計劃最美好的前途。我們擔心子女的教育問題，以及日後能否找到有意義、有合理回報的工作，香港可以為年輕一代提供理想的就業機會，而且比世界先進國家大多數城市所提供的選擇更多，這一點足以令我們引以為傲。

由於香港是令人刮目相看的亞洲經濟轉型的樞紐，因此令我們的青年人，有一片光明的前景。我深信香港在狗年會繼續保持世界上主要貿易和服務中心之一的地位，並會延續之下一世紀。

你們很多人都是在閤家歡聚、樂也融融的氣氛下收看這個特備節目。我和內子，以及小女潔思、麗思和雅思，謹祝大家新年進步、萬事如意、新春大吉。

恭喜發財。

Lunar New Year Message from Chris Patten, HK Governor in 1996

1996年香港總督彭定康農曆新年賀辭
Read by Christopher PATTEN, Cantonese voiceover by CHUNG Wai-ming

（粵語版，經鍾偉明謄改）

各位觀眾︰

每年到咗呢個時候，如果可以嘅呢，大家都會與家人以及朋友喺埋一齊，自然亦會回顧過去多個月來，喺我哋身上發生 嘅重要嘅事︰或者回想嗰啲進展順利嘅事，或者展望來年可能發生嘅事，例如考試、假期、我哋嘅工作等等。

除咗對個人同家庭之外，我哋亦都會對社會整體進行回顧同展望。我哋可以睇到，過去一年，香港喺好多方面都有良好嘅進展。先講嗰啲推動社會發展同維持社會運作嘅各個組織同階層，全部都有好好嘅表現。

首先，我哋舉行了本港有史以來最成功和最民主嘅一次選舉。更多市民登記成為選民，更多市民行使公民權投票。整個選舉過程都係喺非常融洽和諧嘅氣氛之下進行，保持住港人嘅一貫作風。

我哋亦都睇到，中英政府就本港司法制度成功過渡九七嘅問題達成協議。呢項協議嘅簽訂，為香港能夠繼續享有法治，帶嚟樂觀嘅前景，而法治正係香港社會維持繁榮安定嘅其中一項要素嚟。

至於我哋嘅公務員，喺任何時候，都能夠秉承盡忠職守嘅優良傳統，繼續為市民提供最好嘅服務。呢個係世界上最優秀嘅公務員隊伍之一。現時，每一位公務員都能夠以較前開放同向公眾加倍負責嘅態度，從善如流，精益求精，竭誠為每一位香港市民服務。

因此，我相信過去一年，對各個階層嚟講，都係美好嘅一年。我哋亦可以睇到，中英兩國間嘅關係和氣氛有所改善。籌備委員會主任委員錢其琛先生喺中國政府掌管要職，必定可以協助計劃香港嘅未來。去年秋天，錢先生以中國國務院副總理兼外交部部長嘅身分，訪問倫敦，同英國部長級官員舉行咗不少具有實質效益嘅工作會議。

跟住，英國外相聶偉敬喺今年一月回訪北京，此行亦非常成功。我希望呢啲接觸，有助解決過去數年雙方喺在談判桌上遇到嘅一些難題，以及使嗰啲懸而未決的事，能夠一如我哋所想，喺一九九七年年中前獲得解決。

我殷切期望喺未來幾個月，中英之間嘅磋商可以取得更快嘅進展。我哋確實需要做到呢一點。

喺經濟方面，我哋嘅表現好過一啲悲觀嘅預測好多。

本港經濟持續增長，雖然增長速度或者未能夠達到我哋嘅期望。通脹率仍然稍嫌偏高，不過已逐漸回落。至於失業率，雖然係上升咗一啲，但仍然係低過其他地方。咁樣提醒了我哋，必須加強訓練以及再培訓工作，嚟到確保失業人士好快可以搵到另一份理想嘅職業。

我哋衷心希望能夠確保喺香港，所有想工作嘅人都能夠搵到工作，都能夠對香港作出貢獻。對於社會嚟講，呢個係我哋嘅首要任務。

喺社會福利工作方面，我哋亦取得進展。我哋為老人以及殘疾人士提供更多設施。此外，我好高興，我哋終於可以為強制性公積金制度奠下基礎。日後，呢個制度會為老人晚年嘅生活提供經濟上嘅保障。

我哋必須確保老人得到應有的照顧，因為香港今日嘅成就，可以講係佢哋昔日努力嘅成果嚟。

喺成功嘅呢一年完結，我哋展望將來，數一數大約五百幾日之後，即係九七年年中，香港嘅主權就會移交中國。現時距離呢個日子，唔夠五百日，當我明年向大家拜年嘅時候，其間相隔，更加會少過一百五十日添。時間過得好快，而我哋 仍然有好多工作要做。

不過，如果中英關係良好，我有信心，餘下嘅問題係可以獲得解決嘅。當然，明年稍後，候任行政長官被選出之後，佢會應付好多重要嘅工作，但我相信，無論係邊一位出任第一屆特區政府行政長官，接替我掌管要職，佢都會得到全港市民嘅愛戴同支持。

我相信，我最經常被問及嘅一個問題，亦係我比其他人更多被問及嘅一個問題就係，呢一切行得通嗎？未來的香港，會否繼續好似現在咁成功？會否依舊係一個安居樂業嘅好地方？而我嘅回覆總係樂觀，不過絕對唔係盲目嘅樂觀。如果我話香港無任何困難或者問題，無人會相信。但係，我深信縱使面對種種難題，我哋亦都能夠應付裕如。

有兩個原因令我咁樂觀：

第一個原因，我認為極之重要嘅就係，香港人應變力強，勇於面對挑戰。喺過去四、五十年，佢哋曾遇到種種困難，但係都能夠一一克服。

我哋嘅制度行之有效。我哋決意奉行呢個制度，而只要我哋能堅守而且維護呢個制度，能夠忠於自己，我深信香港將來一定會繼續繁榮昌盛，取得卓越嘅成就。

第二個令我樂觀嘅原因，同樣係十分簡單和明顯。我喺呢度嘅學校、大學、訓練學院、位於青衣同柴灣等地嘅科技學院，見過相當多嘅香港年青人。嗰日，我喺播音室同一班年青人共聚咗一小時，佢哋向我提出咗好多問題，幾個星期前，我喺一個學校集會上，向全體學生致辭。一次又一次，香港年青人嘅特質，使我留下深刻印象。佢哋熱心、開朗、幽默、忠誠，不但立志對工作全力以赴，希望學以致用，仲決意要為香港締造一個更美好嘅將來。

我相信佢哋嘅努力，一定能夠使香港喺未來數十年，喺二十一世紀，取得更卓越嘅成就。

（彭）新春快樂。

Hello.

At this time of year when people are - if they can possibly manage it - with their families and their friends, it's natural for all of us to think back over the previous months at all the highlights: the things that went well, and perhaps to look ahead to what's going to happen in the coming year: the exams, the holidays, the things we have to do at work, and so on.

Well, what we do in our own families we do as a community too, and looking back over the last year in Hong Kong we can see an awful lot that's gone well, for a start, things that have gone well for those institutions, those parts of our community, which actually make things work, which run things.

We had, for a start, the most successful - the most democratic - elections in our history. More people registered to vote, more people exercised their civic right to vote, and the whole thing was carried off with a great deal of good humour and moderation, as you'd expect in Hong Kong.

We've also seen an agreement on the successful transfer of our administration of justice through 1997, which will make a tremendous difference to the possibilities for the Rule of Law; and as we know the Rule of Law is one of the real key ingredients in Hong Kong's well-being.

And all the time we've seen the civil service continuing to do the job they do so well, so magnificently well - One of the best civil services in the world, serving you - the men, women, and children of Hong Kong - doing so in a more open and accountable way than ever before, always willing to learn to do things better if they get the sort of advice on how to manage that.

So it's been a good year, I think, for all those parts of our community. I think we can also point to an improvement in the atmosphere and the relations between Britain and China. Mr Qian Qichen who runs the preparatory committee so is in a key position in China to help to shape our future, Mr Qian Qichen as Vice-Premier and Foreign Minister went to London last autumn and had some good solid working meetings with British ministers.

And then Malcolm Rifkind, his opposite number, the Foreign Minister in the UK, went back to Peking in January and also had a very successful visit, so I hope that will help us to clear away some of the problems we've had on the negotiating table over the last years, and I hope it will help us to work through some of the backlog of issues that all of us want to clear up before the middle of 1997.

I very much hope that we'll see faster progress in the coming months. We certainly need to do so.

Our economy has done much better than some of the gloomiest predictions suggested.

We've continued to grow, although not perhaps quite as fast as we'd all like. We've seen inflation edging down, although it's still - I'm afraid - a bit too high, and we've seen unemployment - alas - going up a little (not as high as in other places) and reminding us of the absolutely crucial importance of us doing more in training and retraining to ensure that people if they lose a job - are only out of work for a very short while before they can get back into rewarding employment.

We really - it's our number one priority in the social area - we really want to ensure that everybody who wants to work in Hong Kong can do so, can make their contribution.

We've made progress too on the social side, more facilities for the elderly, more for the disabled, and I'm delighted that we've finally got in place the building blocks for our mandatory provident fund, which is going to be the source of financial support for the elderly in the future.

We really should make sure that the elderly get the fair deal which they're entitled to. After all, they made Hong Kong what it is today.

We look ahead from that pretty successful year, and we look ahead I suppose over 500 days - to the transition to Chinese sovereignty in the middle of 1997 - less than 500 days now - and when I speak to you this time next year it'll be less than 150, so time is galloping past, and there's still quite a bit to do.

But I'm reasonably confident that - given the better atmosphere between Britain and China we'll sort out the remaining problems. There's, of course, a big job to do for the Chief Executive Designate when he or she is chosen later in the year, and I know that whoever gets that crucial job, following me as the head of the first SAR government - I know that whoever gets that job - will be able to count on the goodwill and support of the whole community.

I suppose that I'm asked more than anybody else, and it's the most frequent question I get, I'm asked: Is it all going to work? Is Hong Kong going to continue to be as successful and decent and good a place to live in the future, as it is today? And I answer - I answer optimistically. Not mindless optimism. Nobody believes you if you deny that there are any difficulties or problems, but I think we can take those in our stride.

I answer optimistically for two reasons:

First of all, and for me it's a very important reason, first of all because of the resilience, the courage, of the people of Hong Kong, who've taken an awful lot of more difficult things in their stride in the last forty of fifty years.

We've got a system here which we know works. We're committed to it, and provided we stick to it, provided we're prepared to stand up for it, provided we're true to ourselves, then I'm sure that Hong Kong will continue to be very, very successful in the future.

The second reason why I'm optimistic is equally simple and equally clear. I see an awful lot of the young people of Hong Kong. I see them in schools, and universities, in training institutes, in technical colleges like Tsing Yi and Chai Wan. I saw a group the other day in a broadcasting studio and they asked me questions for about an hour. I addressed - a couple of weeks ago - a whole school at their assembly and I am struck over and over again by the quality of the young people of Hong Kong - enthusiastic, cheerful, humorous, committed, determined not just to do their best in their own careers, not just to make the most of the education and training they're getting, but determined to build an even better future for Hong Kong than its past.

I think that they will help to shape a marvellous city in the 21^st century - in the decades that lie ahead.

Sun Chun Fai Lok.

（書面語版：政府新聞處）
各位觀眾︰

每年到了這個時候，如果可以的話，大家都會與家人和朋友聚在一起，自然亦會回顧過去一年來，發生在我們身上的重要事情︰或是想那些進展順利的事，或是展望來年會發生的事，例如考試、假期、我們的工作等等。

除對個人和家庭外，我們亦會對社會整體進行回顧和展望。我們可以看到，過去一年，香港在許多方面都有良好的進展。先說那些推動社會發展和維持社會運作的各個組織和階層，全都有很好的表現。

首先，我們舉行了本港有史以來最成功和最民主的一次選舉。更多市民登記成為選民，更多市民行使公民權投票。整個選舉過程都是在非常融洽和諧的氣氛下進行，保持着港人的一貫作風。

我們亦看到，中英政府就本港司法制度成功過渡九七的問題達成協議。這項協議，為香港能夠繼續享有法治，帶來樂觀的前景，而法治正是香港社會維持繁榮安定的其中一項要素。

至於我們的公務員，在任何時候，都能秉承盡忠職守的優良傳統，繼續為市民提供最好的服務。這是世界上最優秀的公務員隊伍之一。現時，每位公務員都能夠較以前開放和向公眾加倍負責的態度，從善如流，精益求精，竭誠為每位香港市民服務。

因此，我相信過去一年，在社會的這些方面來說，都是美好的一年。我們亦可以看到，中英兩國間的關係和氣氛有所改善。錢其琛先生作為籌備委員會的主任委員，定可代表中國政府協助計劃香港的未來。去年秋天，錢其琛先生以中國國務院副總理兼外交部部長的身分，訪問倫敦，與英國部長級官員舉行了不少有建設性和具實際效益的工作會議。

接着，英國外相聶偉敬於本年一月回訪北京，此行亦非常成功。我希望這些接觸，有助解決過去數年雙方在談判桌上遇到的一些難題，以及使那些懸而未決的事，能夠正如我們所希望的一樣，在一九九七年年中前獲得解決。

我殷切期望在未來數月，中英之間的磋商可以取得更快的進展。我們確實需要做到這點。

在經濟方面，我們的表現較一些悲觀的預測好得多。

本港經濟持續增長，雖然增長速度或許未能達到我們的期望。通脹率仍稍嫌偏高，但已逐漸回落。至於失業率，雖然是上升了一些，但仍較其他地方為低。這提醒了我們，必須加強訓練及再培訓工作，以確保失業人士很快便可找到另一份理想的職業。

我們衷心希望能夠確保在香港，所有想工作的人都能找到工作，都能對香港作出貢獻。對於社會來說，這是我們的首要任務。

在社會福利工作方面，我們亦取得進展。我們為老人及殘疾人士提供更多設施。此外，我很高興，我們終於可以為強制性公積金制度奠下基礎。日後，這個制度將會為老人晚年的生活提供經濟上的保障。

我們必須確保老人得到應有的照顧，因為香港今天的成就，可以說是他們昔日努力的成果。

在這成功的一年完結時，我們展望將來，展望大約五百多日後，即在一九九七年年中，香港的主權便會移交中國。現時距離這個日子，不到五百天，當我明年同樣時間向大家拜年時，其間相隔，更會少於一百五十天。時間過得很快，而我們仍有不少工作要做。

不過，如果中英關係良好，我有信心，餘下的問題可以獲得解決。當然，今年稍後，候任行政長官被選出後，他／她將須應付很多重要的工作，但我相信，無論是誰出任第一屆特區政府行政長官，接替我掌管要職，他／她都會得到全港市民的愛戴和支持。

我相信，我最經常被問及的一個問題，也是我比其他人更多被問及的一個問題就是，這一切行得通嗎？未來的香港，會否繼續這樣成功？會否依舊是一個安居樂業的好地方？而我的回覆總是樂觀的，但絕不是盲目地樂觀。如果我說香港沒有任何困難或問題，沒有人會相信。不過，我深信縱使面對種種難題，我們亦能應付裕如。

有兩個原因令我這樣樂觀：

第一個原因，一個我認為極重要的原因是，香港人應變力強，勇於面對挑戰。在過去四、五十年，他們曾遇到種種困難，但都能一一克服。

我們的制度行之有效。我們決意奉行這個制度，而只要我們能堅守並維護這個制度，且能夠忠於自己，我深信香港將來定會繼續繁榮昌盛，取得卓越的成就。

第二個令我樂觀的原因，同樣是十分簡單和明顯的。我在這裏的學校、大學、訓練學院、位於青衣和柴灣等地的科技學院，見過相當多的香港人。那天，我在播音室和一班年青人共聚了一小時，他們向我提出了許多問題，數星期前，我在一個學校集會上，向全體學生致辭。一次又一次，香港年青人的特質，使我留下深刻印象。他們熱心、開朗、幽默、忠誠，不但立志對工作全力以赴，不僅希望學以致用，還決意要為香港締造一個更美好的將來。

我相信他們的努力，定能使香港在二十一世紀，在未來的日子，取得更卓越的成就。

祝大家新春快樂。

Lunar New Year Message from Chris Patten, HK Governor in 1997

1997年香港總督彭定康農曆新年賀辭

新的一年又來臨了。對香港每個家庭以至整體社會來說，這個新年都具有特殊的意義，原因我們都很清楚——這是今年夏天香港主權移交前的最後一個新年。每個人的心情難免百感交集，而又無比興奮。對我和內子，以及我們的小女兒來說，這種百感交集的感覺尤為強烈，因為今年六月底，我們便要告別香港；過去五年來，這個地方一直是我們的家。

遺憾的是，在我出任總督期間，我們兩個較年長的女兒潔思和麗思，沒有與我們一起在香港生活。不過她們也曾趁着假期，來港稍作逗留，並親眼看過香港這個城市，是何等的與別不同。然而就像你們當中許多人一樣，我們沒有把兩個女兒留在身邊，而是讓她們在萬里外獨自生活求學，畢業後又在那兒開展她們的事業。我不得不承認，我和內子無時無刻不惦念這兩個孩子。

不過，我們最小的女兒，跟我和內子一樣，非常享受在香港的生活。她在這裡接受優良的教育，又結識了不少知己好友。一旦要離開這個她一直視作家鄉的地方，我相信她必定非常難過和傷感。
離開香港，我們一定會時常懷念這裡的許多摯友，我深盼我們的友誼天長地久。新春伊始，這確實是我真心的願望。

回顧過去的幾個月，我們看到香港又再取得非凡的成就。

香港是全球經濟最蓬勃的地區之一，表現也最突出。根據美國智囊團的評估，香港是全球最自由的經濟體系。我們既能保持相當高的經濟增長率，又把通脹率降低，實在令人欣慰。

我們的失業人數亦告下降。當然，我們不願意見到任何人失業，但最低限度，我們現已再次創造更多的就業機會。過往幾個月，我們的儲備——即香港整個社會存放於銀行的款項，增幅甚至高於以前。

強大的經濟實力，使我們能夠履行這個充滿愛心的社會期望政府承擔的責任，例如更妥善地照顧高齡和殘疾人士，處境不幸的人，以及社會上成就和經濟條件均不如其他大部分港人的一群。

照顧這些人，是我們應做的事；此外，我認為，與全港市民一起討論長遠房屋策略，也是我們應做的事，因為每個家庭心目中至為重要的事情，除了子女的健康和教育外，就是擁有一個舒適的居所。房屋問題確是每個人的切身問題。

展望新的一年，充滿考驗和挑戰。我相信，我們有足夠的信心面對這些挑戰。世界上沒有多少地方，能夠在十數年間取得一倍的經濟增長；世界上沒有多少地方，能夠像我們一樣，擁有如此優秀的公務員隊伍。

世界上也沒有多少地方，社會環境像香港這麼穩定。何以見得呢？香港的罪案數字持續下降，目前的罪案率，實際上較八十年代初期還要低。

由此可見，香港確是一個成就卓越，人人得以安居樂業的地方。我衷心希望香港繼續欣欣向榮，寫下更輝煌的一頁，成為一個可與子孫永享繁榮的地方。當你們在下一個農曆新年，回顧今年的成績時，盼望大家能夠看到另一個碩果豐收的年度。

今年夏天，我將會帶着依依不捨的心情，離開香港。正如我剛才所說，我會深深懷念這個美好的地方，這個了不起的城市。當董先生成為特別行政區首長時，我深信他必定全心全力，保持香港的繁榮安定。

在此，我恭祝各位安坐家中的觀眾——新春快樂！

Another New Year. A very special one this, for every family in Hong Kong and for Hong Kong as a whole. We know the reason for that - this is the last new year before the transfer of sovereignty this summer. So, it's a poignant and exciting time for everybody. Particularly poignant for me and my wife and our youngest daughter, because we'll be leaving Hong Kong, which has been our home for five years, at the end of June.

Unfortunately we haven't had our two elder girls, Kate and Laura, with us while I've been Governor. They've come on holidays. They've seen what a very special place Hong Kong is. But like so many of you, I've had children away from Hong Kong finishing their education, and starting their careers, and I'd be telling you a terrible untruth if I didn't admit that we've missed them a great deal from time to time.

But our youngest daughter, like my wife and myself, has greatly enjoyed living in Hong Kong. She's had a wonderful education. She's made marvellous friends, and I think it's going to be particularly difficult for her when she leaves the place which she regards as home.

When we leave we'll be looking back on many friendships made, and I hope that the friends we've made will be friends for life. I'd certainly like to think that, at a New Year.

I suppose when we look back in Hong Kong over the last months, we see once again a story of extraordinary success.

The Hong Kong economy is one of the best ..... best performing in the world. We're the freest economy in the world, according to American think-tanks. We've been very happy to see our growth rate staying pretty high, and we've seen inflation come down.

We've seen unemployment figures fall. Any unemployment is too much, but at least we're creating more jobs again. And we've seen our reserves - the amount of money that we've got as a community in the bank - we've seen our reserves increasing even more over the last months.

That economic strength has enabled us to do what a caring community like this wants to see the Government doing. Making better provision for the elderly, for the disabled, for the disadvantaged, for all those who don't have as successful and prosperous a time in society as the majority.

It's right to take care of them, and it's right also - I think - for us to have started to involve the community in a discussion of our long-term housing strategy, because the most important thing in every family's life, apart from the health and education of their children, is to have a decent roof over their heads. So housing matters to everyone.

Well, we look forward from this New Year to the challenging year ahead. I think we can do so with quite a bit of confidence. There aren't many places around the world where you could say that the economy had doubled in strength over the last dozen or so years. There aren't many places around the world, with such a fine civil service as we've got.

There aren't many places around the world where you can point to as great social stability as there is in Hong Kong. And what's one of the signs of that? Well, the fact that here in Hong Kong our crime has been falling and is now actually lower than it was in the early 1980's.

So Hong Kong is a successful and decent place for everyone to live in. I very much hope that it will continue to be even more successful, that it will continue to be a splendid place in which you can bring up your family, and that when you look back at the next Chinese New Year, when you look back on this year, you'll be able to see another one which has been very successful.

I'll leave Hong Kong this summer, with - as I said - a good deal of nostalgia, a good deal of feeling for one of the finest places in the world, one of the greatest cities in the world, and I'm sure that Mr Tung - when he becomes Chief Executive of the SAR - will be committed to doing all he can to keep things that way.

So, to all of you watching at home - Sun Chun Fai Lok.

[Historical Files] Her Majesty's Visit to Hong Kong (Speeches by Sir MacLehose, Sir YK and QEII), 4 May 1975

Her Majesty's Visit to Hong Kong (Speeches by Sir MacLehose, Sir YK and QEII), 4 May 1975

Speeches made in The City Hall, Central

(from TVB 新聞掏寶)

港督演詞 Speech by Sir MacLehose

Your Excellency, (inaudible), 

This is the first (inaudible) has come here. We, the people of Hong Kong, are proud and encouraged that Your Majesty should be paying us this visit now. It is a moment of real historical significance. The predominant immersion at this moment is a further wish that Your Majesty and Your Royal Highness will enjoy your short stay amongst us, that you will be able to see the way we live, and also some of the ways we enjoy ourselves. And above all, the sort of people we are, and the sort of community we are. We dare to hope that having seen a little of this, you will like it.

To supplement what can be seen in such a short time, we have prepared an exhibition. We hope this will all serve the interests to a very wide public. For the visit of Your Majesty and Your Royal Highness, it is a good time to remove misconceptions and to remind ourselves and others what Hong Kong has done, what it now is and what it could be. 

Your Majesty and Your Royal Highness, on behalf of Hong Kong, I extend a very sincere, a very loyal welcome.

女皇陛下、親王殿下、三軍司令麾下、各位嘉賓：

陛下已在位女皇之尊，今日蒞臨香港，實為本港開埠以來未有之盛事。對此深具歷史意義之時刻，全港市民，得瞻風采之餘，咸感鼓舞，深以為榮。

香港市民今日恭逢盛會，謹以興奮之心情，敬祝陛下及殿下在訪港期間，舒泰康祥，歡享良辰美景，更藉此一睹吾人之起居方式，生活情趣，尤其本地之風土人情，即使一鱗半爪，諒亦為陛下所樂見。

陛下訪港時間短暫，難免有走馬看花之感，吾人特舉辦一介紹性之展覽會，務使陛下對香港一般情形，能睹全豹，並藉此良機一新視聽，促使本港市民以及全球人士回顧香港之成就，檢討目前之情況，期待未來之發展。

最後，本人謹代表全港市民對陛下及殿下敬致萬二分之熱烈歡迎。

***

簡悅强爵士演詞（以粵語發表）

女皇陛下、親王殿下、督憲閣下、三軍司令麾下、各位嘉賓：

本人謹以極愉快之心情代表本港居民熱烈歡迎女王陛下及親王殿下蒞臨，此乃本港歷史上之莫大慶典。全體居民深感歡欣與慶幸。

皇室對本港居民一向關懷備至，全港居民對此衷心感謝，深以為榮。前此親王殿下來港，其風采至今港人景仰猶深。歷年來，安妮公主、瑪嘉烈公主及雅麗珊郡主先後光臨，迄今港人尚留下不可磨滅之愉快回憶。

香港之繁榮有賴於海洋貫通各地。今日係天后寶誕，而天后乃漁民及海員所奉祀之仁慈女神，相傳其惠澤港人者，至深且厚。女皇陛下今日蒞臨，適逢其會，寶誕慶典，相得益彰。香港居民謹向女皇陛下再致萬二分熱烈歡迎。並祝在港期景，享受良辰美景，政躬康泰。

***

英女皇演詞 Speech by Her Majesty Queen Elizabeth II

Your Excellency, Sir Yuet-keung Kan, 

Prince Philip and I thank you for your welcome. 

He has visited Hong Kong before, as have other members of my family. And I have heard about much about it from them. I also keep in touch with your affairs through state papers, so although this may be my first visit, I do not feel a stranger. 

But seeing is believing, and I am delighted with what I have seen and look forward very much to the next three days. I am particularly glad of this initial moment of ceremony because it gives me an opportunity to greet you all, the people of Hong Kong.

The circumstances that have produced modern Hong Kong are unique, and I cannot be any other community quite like it. Your reputation stands high in the world. Few other communities have had greater problems to deal with, or have confronted them with greater vigour, or have survived and improved the life of their members against greater odds.

Hong Kong is famous for this, as it is for the vivid colour and movement of its densely packed life for the beauty of its scenery. I can assure you that it is a real pleasure and an excitement for Prince Philip and me to be here.

督憲閣下、簡悅强爵士：

本人與親王此次蒞臨，荷蒙熱烈歡迎，深表感謝。

親王以及其他皇室人員前曾數度訪港，有關香港之風采文物，莫不津津樂道，故對香港情況經已耳熟能詳，復自卷宗文牘之中，頻見報導，故今日雖屬初次訪港，亦如履遊舊地。

世人有云「百聞不如一見」，今日所見所聞，無不令人興奮欣悅，深信此行三日之遊，必多賞心樂事，本人更樂於借重茲簡單隆重之儀式向在座諸君及全港市民致意。

香港獨居特殊環境及因素，驚港人歷年奮鬥乃發展為一現代名城，其過程可謂舉世無倆。港人所遭遇的困難愈甚，即其鬥志益堅，百折不撓，力爭上游，於罕見之逆境中，不苟安於圖存，尋且自力更生，銳意進取，其經濟乃日臻繁榮，民生乃日趨改善，香港之在今日得以蜚聲國際，馳譽世界者，其來有自，至於其生活則多彩多姿，燦爛輝煌，其精神則蓬勃活躍，自强不息，其景色則山明水秀，風光綺麗，美譽天下，今日本人與親王得償素願，誠屬人生樂事，自覺歡欣無限，願藉此恭祝全港市民幸福愉快。

***

工商晚報 1975年5月5日
歡宴女皇菜譜
【本報訊】 歡宴英女皇之菜譜，順列如下：
一、雲腿拼鮮帶子
二、蟹黃扒官燕
三、紅燒大鮑翅
四、當紅脆皮雞
五、翡翠麒麟斑
六、鮮蝦荷葉飯
七、乾燒伊府麵
八、蓮子杏仁茶
九、香酥椰絲堆
十、蓮茸蟠龍菓

華僑日報 1975年5月5日

英女皇伉儷訪港
香港電台中文台現場報導及評述之各項節目
五月五日 星期一
參觀摩士公園游泳池之情形
上午十時三十五分
報導員：朱培慶
大會堂午宴之情形
下午一時
報導員：趙潤桓
主持紅磡新火車總站紀念牌匾揭幕儀式，參觀「香港之進展」展覽會之情形
下午二時四十五分
報導員：吳錫輝、朱培慶、黃法之
「女皇盃」賽馬情形
下午九時十分
報導員：歐陽義德及本台全體賽馬評述員
各新聞報告節目中另有女皇伉儷訪港秩序之各項綜合報導

RHK 香港電台

[Historical Files] Governor Chris Patten's Inaugural Speech, 9 July 1992

Governor Chris Patten's Inaugural Speech, 9 July 1992

Sir David, Baroness Dunn, ladies and gentlemen,

I am very grateful to the Chief Secretary and to Baroness Dunn for their kind and eloquent words. It was a particular and an attractive pleasure to hear Baroness Dunn twice. [laughter] Sir David and Baroness Dunn are two of Hong Kong's most eminent servants. I greatly look forward to working with them, and to their wise counsel.

I am greatly honoured today to assume the responsibility of the Governorship of Hong Kong - one of the world's greatest cities.

Hong Kong has been made great not by the accidents of geography but by its most formidable assets, the enterprise, the energy, the vitality and industry of its people, living, working and prospering within a framework of sound administration and the rule of law.

You, the people of Hong Kong, have created here at the heart of Asia a wonder of the world, one of the most spectacular examples of the virtues of free economy known to man.

Now the people of Hong Kong face a further task, I am privileged to share it with you for the next five years. Our task for the future is as momentous as your achievements in the past. It is a task that will require all the qualities you have already shown - resilience, determination, drive - only in still greater measure. It is a task which, when we accomplish it successfully - as we are going to do - will provide a shining example to the world of partnership and co-operation between peoples and nations for the good of all.

What we have to do in the closing years of this tumultuous century is to turn from earnest hope to firm reality, that historic and far-sighted concept - "One Country, Two Systems".

When we have achieved that, we will have fulfilled the promise enshrined in the Joint Declaration, a stable and prosperous Hong Kong whose future - founded in that Declaration - is secure; a Hong Kong that cherishes and maintains its present lifestyle; a capitalist heart beating the centre of Asia, pumping prosperity ever more widely.

That achievement will be good for the people of today's Hong Kong; good for the people of Hong Kong of tomorrow; good for China; good for Britain; good for the close relationship between our two ancient civilizations; and it will - as the new century unfolds - be good for the world.

As you know, as Sir David mentioned in his own remarks, I don't come today as a stranger to the territory. I have visited Hong Kong both as a backbench Member of Parliament and as a Minister. But I have never lived here, and nor has my family - my wife, Lavender, my daughters Laura, Alice and Kate (who is not here today but reported to be somewhere between Uruguay and Paraguay). They will join me in expressing our enthusiasm at the prospect of making our home in Hong Kong and getting to know the people who live here.

I am, of course, very much aware of the considerable achievement of my predecessor. Lord Wilson has been a friend for many years. He was an excellent Governor of Hong Kong, marvellously supported by Lady Wilson. I know that they are held in high regard and much affection. Throughout his distinguished career as diplomat and then Governor, Lord Wilson has done as much as any man to strengthen the bonds between Britain and China to the benefit of Hong Kong; to try to ensure that our nations understand one another better; and above all to serve you, the people of this territory. He has been an exemplary career of public service.

For my own part, I pledged myself to devote all my energy to representing the interest of the people of Hong Kong as strongly and as wisely as I can.

I will stand up for Hong Kong as you would wish me to do, courteously and firmly.

I said a moment ago that we must turn "One Country, Two Systems" from aspiration to reality. But let us begin with this question. What are the hallmarks of Hong Kong's system?

The bedrock, the bedrock of your way of life is the rule of law that guarantees fair and equitable treatment for everyone. It governs all your dealings, personal and financial. You have an independent Judiciary in which every individual can have confidence. Because no one is above the law. No politician, no business leader, no citizen, no Governor. Because no one is above the law, the law serves everyone.

People of Hong Kong enjoy the freedom to go about your business without constant interference from the Government. You enjoy freedom of worship and freedom of speech.

You have as well a Government in which there is democratic participation by the people of Hong Kong at every level, a Government supported by a fine public service.

Flourishing in this environment, Hong Kong is the best example in the post-war world of an open market economy. It is open in two senses: open to all the many talents of those who work in it and open to the world with which it trades with such spectacular success.

They are the distinctive qualities of our system. The Joint Declaration guarantees that they will all be preserved for the future. Looking to that future, I would like to make five brief points this afternoon.

First, we can best secure our future tomorrow by our success today. That is true of our economy and it is true of our Government. The strongest safeguard for our governing institutions will be the effectiveness, vigour and the good sense with which they operate. All of us who participate in the running of Hong Kong have serious work to do. I look forward to co-operating with those who share my aim - to do everything we can to improve and strengthen the Government of Hong Kong in the unique circumstances in which history has placed us. Those circumstances require a spirit of mature co-operation in the business of Government. 

To govern - as [inaudible] said* - is to choose and choice is invariably difficult. Good political leadership involves facing up to hard decisions, taking them, setting out clearly what has to be done when all the talking is over, and winning consent for the course that has to be pursued.

That is why I wish, while preserving the authority and the dignity of my office, to make my Governorship as open and assessable as possible. But the ultimate responsibility of leadership rests with me, in what is and in what will remain an executive-led Government.

Secondly, our personal and collective ambitions and prospects are inevitably linked to the success of the economy in which we work. Hong Kong knows better than anywhere that it cannot rest on laurels won in the past. We have to strive continuously to maintain and improve our competitiveness for tomorrow's world, certain of only one thing - that our competitors will certainly do the same. We cannot stand still. We must continue to build for the future. That is why the new airport and all the infrastructure projects associated with it are so important. That is why the Prime Ministers of both Britain and China have expressed their personal commitment to this exciting work. It is a great undertaking worthy of the great city and territory that it will serve.

When the airport and the new airport, and the bridges and the railways, and the land reclamation and the roads, when they are all completed, we know that the whole project will act as a dynamo for further wealth creation, not just in Hong Kong but in Guangdong and more widely in Southern China whose flourishing economic links with the territory are to the benefit of us all. The airport will confirm our place at the crossroads of the Asian economy.

To retain our economic strength, we also have to attend to more parochial but important concerns. We have, for example, to continue to battle against inflation, hard-fought though that battle is bound to be. When the public express anxiety about the rate of inflation, they are wholly right to do so. Inflation is a cunning enemy, an enemy that we ignore at our peril.

Thirdly, it is essential that we remain a low tax economy in which public spending is kept under prudent control. But it is also right that we should be free to use some of the wealth we generate as a community to help those of our fellow citizens who fall by the wayside. And in addition to make our society even more civilized, I know how much this community cares about the education of our children, about the care of the elderly, about housing, about the disabled, and about the environment in which we live. I intend that the Government should attach to these issues the priority they undoubtedly deserve. I look forward to saying more about them in my speech to the Legislative Council in October.

Fourthly, I know as well how much concern ha been expressed in the community about law and order. Hong Kong, it is true, is a safer city than most. Yet that is little comfort to the families and businesses who have been the victims of violent crime. The Government will be relentless in the fight against crime. We should be especially tough against violent crime. The Royal Hong Kong Police Force do a magnificent job. They can count on my staunch support as they go about their sometimes dangerous work. Co-operating closely with the Chinese authorities, we shall work round the clock to beat crime in this city.

My fifth task is perhaps the most vital and challenging of all.

I have heard it said that the relationship between Britain and China, and therefore the position of Hong Kong is still bedevilled by misunderstandings and by a lack of trust.

I will do all I can to remove misunderstandings, and to build up trust. But I make this point with some emphasis, trust is a two-way street. Good co-operation with China is my sincere aim and my profound wish. It is vital for the next five years, vital for the future of Hong Kong.

Let me finally make this clear.

As Hong Kong's Governor I have no secret agenda. You are with me already. My only agenda is the one I have laid before you today. It is clear. It is public. And so it will remain. If you want to know what I believe, if you want to know what I think, if you want to know what I intend to do, read what I say and listen to what I say.

I have no doubt that - God willing (which I say with an emphasis in front of the bishop and the cardinal) - through our own hard work, our own calm judgment, and sturdy determination, we shall carry through this historic task to a conclusion that will rank above all others among this territory's many achievements.

In the next five years and for 50 years and more beyond, the eyes of the world will be on Hong Kong. I am sure that we shall be worthy of our destiny, a symbol of confidence and co-operation for the rest of humanity.

*: The quote is said to be from Pierre Mendès-France, not "Choisseur"

粵語譯文來源：https://www.facebook.com/VCRBase/videos/462128487677566/?v=462128487677566
彭定康督憲致辭全文
粵語譯文來源：https://www.facebook.com/VCRBase/videos/462128487677566/?v=462128487677566

首席按察司楊鐵樑爵士、霍德爵士、鄧蓮如勳爵、各位嘉賓：

我非常感謝布政司同鄧蓮如勳爵語重心長嘅說話。（英有，中略）佢哋兩位都係香港嘅俊彥，一直竭誠為香港服務。我熱切期待同佢哋共事，聽取佢哋明智嘅意見。

香港係世界上最偉大嘅城市之一，今日出任香港總督一職，對我嚟講實在係一項殊榮。香港能夠成為偉大嘅城市，並非因地利而幸至，而係因為珍貴無比嘅資產。喺呢個健全行政架構同法治社會裡面，香港市民生活、工作同共享繁榮。佢哋積極進取嘅精神、充沛嘅活力同幹勁、不斷嘅努力，就係香港彌足珍貴嘅資產。

各位香港市民，你哋喺亞洲嘅心臟地區創造咗一個奇蹟，將自由經濟嘅種種優點盡顯無遺，成就卓越，堪稱典範。

目前，香港市民要面對另一項艱鉅嘅工作。我感到十分榮幸，能夠喺未來五年與各位一齊承擔呢項重任。呢項關係未來嘅工作，與各位喺過去取得嘅各項成就同樣重要。香港市民一向善用應變，而且意志堅決、幹勁衝天，呢項工作有賴各位將上述優點進一步發揮。我哋將會悉力以赴，定會完成呢項工作，為世界樹立最佳榜樣，說明各國人民同政府為咗大家嘅利益，應該和衷共濟，鼎力合作。

喺呢個風起雲湧嘅世紀接近結束嘅數年內，我哋需要做嘅，係將一國兩制呢個歷史意義重大而且深具遠見嘅構思付諸實行，使熱切嘅冀望成為不可推翻嘅事實。

當我哋達到呢個目標嘅時候，就得以履行《聯合聲明》嘅承諾，即係香港得以繼續享有安定繁榮，而香港以《聯合聲明》作為根據嘅前途亦會穩定。香港市民所珍惜嘅現有生活方式亦得以維持不變。作為亞洲區樞紐嘅香港，將會保持資本主義制度，並且將繁榮傳播開去。

呢項成就不但會對會對今日嘅香港人有利，而且對明日嘅香港人、中英兩國，以及對促進呢兩個文明古國嘅緊密關係都有裨益。而且隨住新世紀嘅展開，呢項成就對整個世界亦有益處。

正如你哋所知，而頭先霍德爵士都有提過嘞，我今日唔係第一次踏足香港。我曾經先後以英國國會後座議員同部長嘅身分訪問香港。不過我同家人都從未喺呢度生活過㗎。諗到日後喺香港居住，有機會認識呢度嘅人，我同內子林穎彤、小女麗思、雅思，同今日無跟我哋一齊嚟香港嘅潔思，都感到非常興奮。

上任總督成就卓越，政績彪炳，呢點我十分清楚。衛奕信勳爵係我多年朋友，佢係一位傑出嘅香港總督，而衛奕信勳爵夫人一直給予佢全力支持。我知道佢哋係深受市民尊崇同愛戴嘅。衛奕信勳爵喺擔任外交職位及其後出任總督期間，表現出色，佢致力鞏固中英兩國嘅關係，以促進香港利益，加深中英兩國了解。呢個為本港市民盡心服務。佢喺上述各方面所作出嘅貢獻，無人能出其右。佢實在係公職人員嘅典範。

至於我本人，我誓必竭盡所能，堅強而明智咁奮力代表香港人嘅利益。

我定會禮貌而堅定咁挺身維護香港，唔會辜負大家嘅期望。

我剛才講過，我哋必須將一國兩制呢個冀望變為事實，但我哋首先要問——香港嘅體制究竟有乜嘢特色？

香港現時嘅方式，係建基喺法治之上嘅。法治保證人人得到公正同平等嘅待遇，亦都係規管大家一切人際同財務交往嘅。香港擁有獨立嘅司法部，值得每一個人信賴。由於無一個人能夠凌駕喺法律之上，因此法律係為每一個人服務嘅。

香港人擁有自由去做自己嘅事，唔會處處受到政府干預。你哋都享有信仰自由同言論自由。

此外，香港政府讓香港人喺每個階層嘅事務都有民主參與，並由一群優秀嘅公職人員輔助。

香港喺咁樣環境下茁壯成長、欣欣向榮，係戰後實施開放市場經濟嘅最佳例子。開放嘅意義可以從兩方面嚟講嘅，就係對喺香港工作嘅多方面人才開放，以及對香港從中取得驕人成績嘅世界貿易開放。

呢啲都係香港體制嘅特色。《聯合聲明》保證呢啲特色日後將會全部保留。展望未來，我想喺今日簡略提出以下五點：

第一，我哋可以用今日嘅成就作為未來嘅最佳保證。呢一點對香港嘅經濟如是，對香港政府亦都如是。我哋嘅管治機構亦可以用現時運作嘅效率、幹勁同睿智，作為日後最強而有力嘅保證。因此，我哋所有參與香港嘅人都身負重任。我本人嘅目標係喺歷史所造成嘅獨特環境之下，竭盡所能，改善同鞏固香港政府。我更渴望與抱持同一目標嘅人士衷誠合作，喺上述環境之下，我哋必須以明智、慎重嘅合作精神嚟處理政府事務。施行管治就係要作出選擇，而選擇往往係十分困難嘅。英明嘅政治領袖要面對難以決定嘅問題，並且作出決定。喺一切討論成為過去之後，就有清楚訂定必須進行嘅工作，並為所需採取嘅路向爭取認同。因此，我希望喺維護香港總督嘅威信同尊嚴嘅同時，能夠盡量開明同聽取各方面嘅意見。不過，喺現時以至日後仍然會係行政主導嘅政府裡面，最終嘅領導責任仍然係由我肩負嘅。

第二，我哋個人及共同嘅抱負同前途，與我哋工作於其中嘅經濟體系所取得嘅成就必然係息息相關嘅。香港比任何地方更清楚知道，唔可以滿足於以往所取得嘅成就。我哋必須繼續努力，維持並提高我哋嘅競爭力，以應付明日世界挑戰。而且，可以肯定一點就係，我哋嘅競爭對手亦都會係咁做。我哋唔可以停滯不前，我哋必須要繼續為未來努力建設。因此，新機場及所有關連嘅基建工程都非常重要。呢一點亦係英國首相同中國總理親自對呢項令人振奮嘅工程作出承擔嘅一個原因。呢項龐大嘅計劃確實切合香港呢個偉大城市嘅需要。我哋知道當新機場、新港口、大橋、鐵路、填海工程同道路工程相繼完成之後，呢整套計劃將會成為一股動力，進一步創造財富，不單惠及香港，甚至遠達廣東及華南地區。而我哋大家亦可分享到中港兩地經濟活動蓬勃發展嘅成果。新機場嘅落成啟用，將奠定香港處於亞洲經濟中樞嘅重要地位。要保持香港嘅經濟實力，我哋仲需要處理香港本身嘅一啲重要事項。舉例嚟講，我哋要繼續打擊通脹，儘管嗰一場必定會係一場硬仗。市民對通脹率表示憂慮係大有道理嘅。通脹係一個狡詐多端嘅敵人。我哋若掉以輕心，就會自食其果。

第三，我哋必須維持低稅率經濟，並確保公共支出受到審慎控制。呢點係至為重要嘅。但我哋應該可以運用社會共同創造嘅部分財富，去幫助嗰啲需要援手嘅市民，使我哋嘅社會更加美好。我知道香港市民十分關心子女嘅教育、老人嘅照顧、房屋、弱能人士，以及生活嘅環境等等。我認為政府應優先處理呢啲問題。我期待喺十月嘅立法局會議席上詳細討論呢啲問題。

第四，我知道本港市民對治安問題甚表關注。香港與大部分城市相比，無疑係較為安全，不過對暴力罪行嘅受害家庭同商業機構嚟講，呢個事實並不能令佢哋感到絲毫安慰。政府會鍥而不捨打擊罪案，更會特別強硬對付暴力罪行。皇家香港警務處人員嘅表現極為出色。佢哋執行任務時有時會遇到危險，但佢哋嘅工作必定得到我全力支持。我哋會同中國當局緊密合作，日以繼夜撲滅罪行。

我嘅第五項任務大概係至為重要同最具挑戰性嘅。我曾經聽聞過中英兩國嘅關係仍然因為種種誤會同互不信任而出現問題，以至香港嘅處境亦受到影響。我定會竭盡所能，消除誤會，建立彼此間嘅信任。不過信任係雙方面嘅。與中方衷誠合作，係我摯誠嘅目標，深切嘅願望。喺未來五年，呢點係不可或缺嘅，對香港嘅將來亦極為重要。

最後我要清楚咁話畀大家知，身為香港總督，我並無乜嘢隱秘嘅任務。我嘅任務已經喺今日講咗畀大家知㗎嘞，不但清楚明確，而且係公開嘅。而家係咁，將來都係咁。我深信，假若得到上天垂顧，憑住努力工作、冷靜判斷同堅定決心，我哋必定能完成呢項具有歷史意義嘅任務，而所取得嘅成果會較諸香港以往嘅各項成就更為卓越。喺未來五年，以至五十年，及更長嘅日子裡面，香港將會成為全球目光嘅焦點。我確信我哋唔會辜負上天嘅旨意，一定會完成任務，定會成為全人類信心同合作嘅標誌。

[Historical Files] Lord Wilson's Inauguration Speech on 9 Apr 1987; David Akers-Jones & Sze-yuen Chung's Welcoming Speeches

Lord Wilson's Inauguration Speech on 9 Apr 1987; David Akers-Jones & Sze-yuen Chung's Welcoming Speeches

Lord Wilson, 18 June 2019, London
at an event by UK Friends of HKU.

華僑日報 1987年4月10日

衛奕信爵士就任港督致辭稱

政制檢討需審慎 免影響穩定發展

強調如需任何改變當循序漸進從事

深信聯合聲明實施必繼續穩步進展

確保香港輝煌成就讓大眾分享成果

＊＊＊＊＊＊＊＊＊＊＊＊＊＊＊

（特訊）新任港督衛奕信爵士昨日下午抵港，隨即在大會堂宣誓就任第二十七任香港總督。港督在典禮上支持是表示：本年內會檢討行政立法、區議會及市政局與新界市政局的角色、功能及組織。如有需要作任何改變時會審慎循序漸進從事，避免影響香港的穩定發展。

他強調會盡所能，來確保本港輝煌的成就持續下去，讓社會大眾都能分享成果。

以下是衛奕信爵士於大會堂宣誓就任香港總督典禮上致辭全文：

鍾逸傑爵士、鍾士元爵士、各位嘉賓：

　　我非常感謝鍾逸傑爵士和鍾士元爵士的歡迎辭。

　　我這次以總督身份回到香港，實在是一項殊榮。我受任為香港總督，是尤德爵士不幸突然逝世所致。這件事令我難以忘懷。當天在香港參加尤德爵士喪禮的每一個人，目睹香港民眾衷誠愛戴他，尊敬他，都深受感動。我現在承接他的責任，將會以全心全意，公爾忘私為香港服務的精神為典範。我要在他奠下的基石上努力建設。

　　尤德爵士五年前到香港履任時，曾充滿信心地說，會設法解決香港前途這個重要問題。現在香港前途已經明朗。一份具歷史意義的協議詳細地列明香港的長遠前途。英國政府和中華人民共和國政府都決心切實執行這份協議。從簽署聯合聲明到現在短短的時間內，兩國政府已下了不少工夫，使聯合聲明發揮其實際效力。中英兩國政府都表明了誠意，而且作出承諾。因此我確信實施聯合聲明的重要工作，必然會繼續穩步進展。

　　我也會竭盡所能來確保這些輝煌的成就持續下去，讓社會大眾都能分享成果。香港的繁榮倚靠香港人能夠生產別人需要的貨品，並且能夠在國際市場上推銷這些貨品。我們必須營造有利的環境，去吸引投資及培養進取的精神；我們必須維持健全的行政架構，輔以一套明確可行的法例；必須維持在基層設施方面的投資步伐，使香港的發展巨輪繼續向前推動，此外我們也必須追上科技的發展，維持香港在國際市場上的競爭能力。

　　同時我們更須照顧個別市民的需求和願望，繼續擴展和改善本港的公屋計劃、教育制度、醫療和社會福利服務；為青少年、老年人、有病的人和不能照顧自己的人設想；並盡力去保護和改善周圍的環境。

　　政府的結構，和任何行政當局的組織，對社會的種種需求必須作出敏捷的反應，香港政府獨特的制度，就是順應社會的需求而規劃和發展出來的，擴大的立法局，已成為眾所關注的辯論和討論的重要機構，各區議會也肯定成了地區行政的一環，至於市區管理的工作，市政局和區域市政局現在也負起重要和必須的任務，本年內，我們會檢討這些機構的角色，功能，及其組織，這些都是具深遠影響的重要問題，我們必須以沉着和理智的態度去處理。如果需要任何改變，就必須審慎從事，循序漸進，斷不能因此而影響我們的穩健發展和我們所珍惜的安定。

　　在未來的歲月裏，我們還需面對許多複雜和影響深遠的問題。在處理這些問題時，我還需倚重行政局，立法局和其他委員會的意見和指導，在我們的社會中，兩局和各類委員會扮演着重要的角色，至於我現在就要領導的公務人員，我對他們的辦事經驗和效率，有莫大的信心。

　　我們將來肯定會面對不少挑戰，不過香港屢次都顯示出確實具有毅力和決心去克服困難，應付挑戰和適應變遷。

　　我和內子能夠在香港與你們一起，感到非常榮幸，我們覺得好像回到於老朋友之間，我們決心和大家一起為香港同香港人的前途和幸福努力。

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鍾逸傑歡迎衛奕信爵士重回香港稱

香港變得更為複雜 港人應變能力亦增

港人毅力才智可克服困難繼續前進

（特訊）鍾逸傑爵士表示：本港過去各階層民眾參與尋求對策去解決本港之經濟、社會及政治問題，並為港人創下世界紀錄，成為別人的模範，神令港人引以自豪。以下是鍾逸傑爵士昨日在大會堂衛奕信爵士宣誓就任香港總督典禮時致歡迎辭全文。

總督閣下、衛奕信夫人、各位嘉賓：

　　我非常榮幸和高興歡迎總督閣下，重臨香港。今天在這裏舉行這個典禮，我們都意想不到，可見命運的安排，往往是出人意表的。

　　你這次不但回到遠東，回到香港，回到舊地，更回來作為我們的總督和朋友。

　　總督閣下，自從你離開香港之後，香港在社會、經濟和政治各方面已變得更為複雜，相信不少人都有同感。但面對這些問題，香港人應變的能力也相應增加。我們也想出了自己的方法，使各階層的民眾參與尋求對策，去解決這些問題。

　　在這段期間，香港不但為有了更多的高樓大廈而成為一個更大的都市，同時香港在太平洋區和世界上的地位日益重要，我們的生活因此也變得更多樣化。香港人創下和刷新世界紀錄，已司空慣見，而我們在許多事情上都成為別人的模範。我們可以引以自豪的成就雖然很多，但由於天然條件所限，加上人口激增，我們在許多方面仍然落後，有待改進，大致上說，我們知道問題所在。有某些工作只要假以時日，就可以完成。但另外有些事情，我們需要作出困難而耗資不菲的決定。然而香港人具有毅力才智，足可克服困難，繼續前進。

　　隨著香港不斷發展，市民除了感到自豪，還產生更大的歸屬感，他們腳踏實地，生活有明確目標。但有時他們亦會想到將來未必一帆風順而感到憂慮，這是可以理解的。在繁盛的街道、課堂、街市、屋邨、火車、巴士、音樂廳和郊野公園，到處可以看到市民這種一則自豪、一則憂慮的表現。我們必須緊記着香港民眾這些交集的感情和態度，因為歸根究底，都下一個世紀開始時，香港將會有超過六百萬人口，而他們的前途福祉正是我們要關注的。

　　我最後要提及的，就是你屬下所有公務人員，都會忠誠勤奮，為你服務，全心全意去為各個目標努力。

　　總督閣下，我們都希望你和家人跟我們一起生活得幸福愉快。

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鍾士元致歡迎辭稱新港督深慶得人

香港市民深切關注 保持繁榮安定成果

香港躋身世界最繁榮安定之地區之列

全賴港人積極進取政府不罔加干預

（特訊）行政局首席議員鍾士元爵士指出，香港是蕞爾之地，在缺乏天然資源下仍能躋身世界上最繁榮和安定的地區之列，這全是港人刻苦勤勞、積極進取及政府不罔加干預的結果。

以下是衛奕信爵士於大會堂宣誓就任香港總督典禮後，鍾士元爵士致歡迎辭全文。

督憲衛奕信爵士閣下、督憲夫人、各位嘉賓：

　　我今午能代表香港市民，以及本港行政立法兩局非官守議員，向閣下及督憲夫人致以熱烈和衷心的歡迎，深感欣幸。我們歡迎閣下重臨香港就職，本港第二十七任總督。

　　過去數十年間，香港進展良多。在五十年代，本港經濟體系銳變；六十年代工業蓬勃發展；七十年代，經濟突飛猛進，到了八十年代，中英雙方順利簽署聯合聲明，為香港前途問題定定了長期的解決方案。在達成這項深具歷史意義的協議的過程中，督憲閣下曾擔任極重要的任務。

　　香港雖然是蕞爾之地，並缺乏天然資源，但現在畢竟能躋身世界上最繁榮和安定的地區之列，去年本港國民生產總值的實質增長高達百分之九，預計八七年度的實質增長亦會相當可觀，可達百分之六。本港市民個人入息，在實質上續有提升，加上通貨膨脹率低，生活水準不斷提高，而且實際上已達致全民就業，港人因而享受勤勞的成果。本港更享有高度自由、及低犯罪率；而在公眾衛生、教育水準和社會福利方面，皆有驕人表現。凡此種種，均為本港市民刻苦勤勞，積極進取和政府不罔妄加干預的結果。香港市民深切關注的，就是如何能夠保持以上的一切成果。

　　督憲閣下，你曾親身體驗香港的生活，熟悉中國和中國人民的情況，又曾深入參與中英兩國外交談判和中英聯絡小組的工作，在本港踏入敏感和重要的過渡期，由閣下出任香港總督，實在深慶得人。在多年的英明領導下，全港市民將會全心全力支持，使香港成為一個更美好的安居樂業之所，更完善的培育後代之地方。我們謹祝督憲閣下伉儷在本港生活愉快，任期悠長，政績彪炳。